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Democracy and Debate

Barbara McQuade: Criminal Law Vs. Impeachment Law

Barbara McQuade, Professor at the University of Michigan and Law School and former US Attorney for the Eastern District of Michigan, helps distinguish the differences and similaries between implications and proceedings for criminal law versus those for impeachment law.

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Transcript

0:00 welcome back to the teach a fun 0:02 impeachment I'm here today with Barbara 0:04 McQuade who's a professor from practice 0:06 at the University of Michigan law school 0:07 and former United States Attorney for 0:10 the Eastern District of Michigan thank 0:12 you so much for joining us thanks for 0:13 inviting me Benjamin 0:14 okay well let's jump right into it can 0:16 you tell me a little bit more about your 0:18 background and and how you you know 0:20 became a professor here you know well I 0:23 spent most of my career as a prosecutor 0:25 went to law school here at the 0:26 University of Michigan law school worked 0:28 in private practice and 19 years as a 0:31 prosecutor I was the US attorney during 0:33 the Obama administration and when that 0:35 ended I was lucky enough to land here 0:37 you know I can't think of an institution 0:40 I love more than the Department of 0:42 Justice except for the University of 0:44 Michigan so I was just thrilled to be 0:45 here wonderful so we're also really 0:48 thrilled to have you here in the studio 0:49 today to dive a little bit deeper into 0:51 kind of the nuances that are starting to 0:53 emerge from this current impeachment 0:55 query but then also kind of taking a 0:57 historical look so one of the questions 0:59 that I think keeps coming up in in this 1:01 context is what are the key similarities 1:04 and differences between criminal 1:06 proceedings and an impeachment process 1:08 it's very interesting because the 1:11 impeachment process is kind of its own 1:12 animal I think there are times when 1:14 people look to the criminal law or even 1:17 civil law for analogies to figure out 1:19 what the rules ought to be but the 1:21 Constitution makes it pretty clear that 1:22 the House gets to set its own rules on 1:24 impeachment and the Senate gets to set 1:26 its own rules for the trial after an 1:28 impeachment that being said I think that 1:30 we've adopted a lot of the rules from 1:32 the criminal justice system like the 1:34 presentation of evidence the calling of 1:36 witnesses opening statements and closing 1:38 arguments very similar to what we would 1:40 see in a trial great so can you tell us 1:43 a little bit more about the the evidence 1:44 side of things how do the rules differ 1:47 so the federal rules of evidence which 1:49 would ordinarily apply in ordinary 1:51 criminal case don't apply in impeachment 1:54 but they still want things done in an 1:56 orderly way 1:56 and so the Chief Justice of the Supreme 1:59 Court will preside if it's either the 2:01 President or the Vice President who is 2:03 under impeachment inquiry in all other 2:06 cases it's the president of the Senate 2:08 who is the vice president of the United 2:10 States who presides you know for federal 2:11 judges or other executive 2:13 branch officials but if we're talking 2:14 about the president the chief justice is 2:16 there to make the rulings on evidentiary 2:18 matters and so there may be things like 2:20 relevance if someone is getting too far 2:22 afield from the articles of impeachment 2:23 or redundancy to kind of keep things on 2:26 track but technically the rules of 2:28 evidence like you're saying some of the 2:29 other rules you hear about don't apply 2:31 in an impeachment proceeding so what is 2:34 the burden of proof then in this context 2:36 well I can that's something else that is 2:38 undefined the Constitution allows the 2:41 Senate to define its own rules for the 2:44 impeachment trial and so they could 2:46 create new rules there's a whole manual 2:47 that's been written on it but in terms 2:50 of the burden of proof it is every 2:53 senator is supposed to vote his 2:54 conscience as to whether the articles of 2:57 impeachment have been proved so some 2:59 argue it ought to be guilt beyond a 3:01 reasonable doubt as we use in criminal 3:03 cases but others say this isn't really a 3:05 criminal case that isn't Liberty that's 3:07 at stake it's some other interests and 3:09 so perhaps the preponderance of the 3:11 evidence standard that we use in civil 3:12 cases ought to apply but it is 3:14 ultimately left to each senator to 3:15 decide for himself what that burden of 3:17 proof ought to be so you know when when 3:20 something like this ends up going to the 3:23 Senate who's presenting the evidence so 3:26 the rules is currently written for the 3:28 house again the Constitution just says 3:31 that the house gets to write its own 3:32 rules and they have written some rules 3:33 they say that they should select some of 3:35 its members to serve as managers to 3:38 present the evidence it also says that 3:39 they may use the assistance of counsel 3:41 so they can hire lawyers to come in and 3:44 actually present the evidence before the 3:46 Senate in the trial similarly the 3:48 defendant the the President or the Vice 3:51 President whoever it is under 3:52 impeachment that the officer has the 3:54 right to counsel as well so we'd have a 3:56 lawyer there to represent his his 3:57 interest sure so you know thinking about 4:01 who so the prosecution side of things so 4:04 who does the prosecution represent so in 4:07 in state criminal proceedings the 4:09 prosecutor represents the people and so 4:12 thinking through how this this kind of 4:14 manifests within an impeachment setting 4:16 does the prosecutor represent the house 4:19 where does it represent the people 4:21 through the house how does that work 4:23 now I don't know if that's ever been 4:24 articulated which makes it a great 4:26 question but I think it makes sense to 4:28 think of it as representing the house 4:29 the Constitution is divided up to give 4:32 us three branches of government that are 4:33 co-equal and service checks on each 4:35 other and so this is a core function of 4:38 the House of Representatives to serve as 4:40 a check and so it seems that these 4:42 managers who are elected are there on 4:44 behalf of the House of Representatives 4:45 to serve that function okay thank you so 4:49 what about conviction so what are the 4:52 consequences of conviction and in this 4:54 case the consequence of conviction is 4:56 removal from office and it's immediate 4:58 as soon as they decide the person is no 4:59 longer the President or the vice 5:01 president or whatever office they had 5:02 they can also take one step further 5:04 which is not only shall you be removed 5:07 from office but you can never hold 5:08 office again 5:09 of course we've never actually made it 5:11 this far an impeachment proceeding to 5:13 see if the Senate would go that far too 5:15 as to say not only should a president be 5:17 removed from office but could never be 5:19 elected president again it has been done 5:21 in other instances involving judges but 5:24 of course we haven't seen this moment 5:25 before so it is a possibility though 5:27 great so that was a lot of kind of the 5:29 legal process there there's also a 5:32 political process that is unfolding 5:34 during an impeachment investigation can 5:37 you tell us a little bit more from your 5:38 perspective what is the overlap between 5:40 the legal and the political processes 5:42 yeah and I think this is an area where 5:44 there is some confusion in the public I 5:47 suppose if you were to draw a Venn 5:49 diagrams there'd be an overlap between 5:50 the circle that's criminal law and the 5:53 circle that's impossible offense if 5:56 something is a crime it could be 5:58 impeachable but not necessarily and 6:00 something could be impeachable without 6:02 also being a crime for example I've 6:04 heard people say that what Bill Clinton 6:06 did and allegedly since he was acquitted 6:09 lying before a grand jury committing 6:11 perjury was criminal but there were 6:13 senators who found that that didn't make 6:15 it 6:16 impeachable it was not an abuse of power 6:18 I think the main function of impeachment 6:22 according to the framers of the 6:24 Constitution was to remove someone for 6:26 abuse of power in the office abuse of 6:28 the presidency using the presidency for 6:31 personal enrichment those kinds of 6:33 things so there could be crimes even 6:34 talks about bribery treason or other 6:37 high crimes and misdemeanors and so you 6:39 know I think President Ford famously 6:41 said it's whatever the House of 6:43 Representatives thinks it is but I think 6:45 there's more clarity on that there's 6:46 been a lot of publications recently some 6:49 very good books on impeachment I've read 6:51 some of them and they seem to focus much 6:52 more on the idea of abuse of power in 6:54 office and so that may overlap with with 6:57 crimes a bribery and extortion those 6:59 kinds of things are also criminal but an 7:01 abuse of the power is what makes it in P 7:03 chable okay so just thinking about your 7:06 previous experience as the United States 7:08 Attorney is there anything else that 7:10 you'd like to offer that would really 7:11 help our learners contextualize what is 7:13 happening today I think there are a lot 7:15 of similarities between impeachment and 7:17 criminal prosecution I think one of the 7:19 things that's useful that prosecutors 7:22 keep in mind is just because you can 7:24 charge some of the crime doesn't mean 7:26 you should charge someone with a crime 7:27 so for example if a president is 7:29 believed to have committed impeachable 7:31 offenses it doesn't mean you must 7:33 automatically impeach that you have a 7:35 duty to impeach there's still a fair 7:37 amount of room for discretion to decide 7:39 is this in the best interest of the 7:40 country to impeach under these 7:42 circumstances is this an abuse of power 7:43 that is so egregious that we ought to 7:46 step up and draw a line here and I think 7:49 that the house has to think as we did at 7:52 the Department of Justice in the US 7:53 Attorney's Office about what kind of 7:55 precedent are you setting what kind of 7:57 institutional values is there what kind 7:58 of deterrent effect is this likely to 8:00 have what kind of chilling effect is 8:01 like it's likely you have to go forward 8:03 so I think in deciding whether to 8:07 proceed first with an impeachment 8:08 inquiry the Speaker of the House has to 8:10 make that decision whether it's 8:12 worthwhile to take that step even if 8:13 there is impeachable conduct and then 8:15 that next step when the house votes by a 8:18 majority to decide whether to authorize 8:21 impeachment articles that's when that 8:24 discretion is going to come into play 8:25 super helpful context thank you and I 8:27 think that there's you know a lot for us 8:29 to be reflecting on and learning about 8:31 right right now and I'm sure we'll be 8:33 able to take a look back on this very 8:35 moment and kind of draw a lot of 8:37 additional lessons learned thank you so 8:39 much for joining us this quick 8:41 conversation great thanks Benjamin glad 8:42 to be here great and thank you for 8:44 joining us in this segment of the 8:45 Teachout we look forward to continuing 8:47 the conversation with you and 8:48 segment